Seventeen-year-old Anene Booysen was gang-raped, horrifically mutilated, and left for dead among her own sand-covered intestines at a construction site in Bredasdorp, Western Cape, on February 2, 2013. She succumbed to her horrific injuries in hospital six hours later, after managing to name two of her attackers.
Four minutes later, a woman was raped again.
That’s how often a victim of rape is recorded in South Africa. Except only one in nine women actually report their abuse, according to Prudence Mabele from Positive Women’s Network.
Between 2007-2011, South African police recorded 65,083 rape complaints. A quarter didn’t even reach court, and over half were withdrawn. Of the 13,434 cases left, 5,966 of the accused were found not guilty, leaving just 7,468 guilty verdicts to be awarded at all. And if Mabele’s stats are right, that would be merely 2% of all potential rape cases.
Lack of faith in the police and judicial systems is just one reason why rape is so underreported. Women also fear the risk of retaliation, their consequential treatment in the community, how they will cope if they rely financially on their attacker, if they feel ashamed about their attack, or they simply do not know their rights.
The endemic issue of patriarchy has been avoided for generations, eroding women’s faith in supporting campaigns for belated justice. But Booysen’s brutal attack and defeminisation bore the battle cry “Enough is Enough” by her South African sisters.
“This must end. My daughter was raped; my granddaughter was also raped when she was 4 months old. My daughter-in-law was raped. How do you cope with this? My brother didn’t when his wife was raped. He committed suicide. Sorry to lay all this on you but we must speak out!” said one exasperated women at Booysen’s memorial, according to africasacountry.com.
And commentators wonder why “there is no sense of a nation being galvanised” in the wake of this persisting violent pandemic.
Provoked into action, police in Limpopo announced a war on rape that requires all rape suspects to undergo HIV testing, so that those who test positive can be charged with attempted murder, in addition to rape.
However Rachel Jewkes, Director of the Medical Research Council, questioned the necessity for this murder charge. Especially when the conviction rate for rape alone is already so low and, incidentally, “80% of rapists are HIV-negative”.
“If a person is properly convicted of rape, the mandatory sentence is 15 years.” Rapists of children or the mentally disabled and all those who participate in a gang rape were supposed to get life sentences.
Alas, men of South Africa live recklessly and fearlessly, because they so rarely face consequences of their actions. And nothing will change for women there before they do.
It is all very well President Zuma saying: “This act is shocking, cruel and most inhumane. It has no place in our country. We must never allow ourselves to get used to these acts of base criminality to our women and children.”
And opposition Democratic Alliance leader, Lindiwe Mazibuko, saying: “It is time to ask the tough questions that for too long we have avoided. We live in a deeply patriarchal and injured society where the rights of women are not respected. Indeed, there is a silent war against the children and women of this country – and we need all South Africans to unite in the fight against it.”
But more than ‘debate’ is needed at the highest level, to protect these women. Change must filter down from the top. Unrelenting political support is the only way to cease rape in South Africa.
Sonke Gender Justice Network spokesperson, Mbuyiselo Botha, has suggested implementing a R10-billion fund dedicated to ending rape and gender violence: “Zuma should order the minister of finance to fund a commission of inquiry to examine why violence keeps rising, and to come up with solutions to end the violence in communities and families.” He believes this fund should be reintroduced to funding NPO’s working to end gender violence and to reopening some of the 61 sexual offences courts closed since 2006.
Bafana Khumalo, also from the SGJN, agreed with the perception that the criminal justice system is ill-equipped for women. “Sometimes a raped woman who goes to the police is not believed… Sometimes they are raped by the police.”
February figures from the Independent Police Investigative Directorate sadly support this. In February, two police officers were arrested for alleged rape; they are investigating an officer accused of raping a 14-year-old boy; and an officer accused of raping a woman who came to the police station to report domestic violence.
Indeed, according to an Inter-Ministerial Committee on Violence against Women and Children, “There is evidence that victims reported cases of domestic violence to police or social workers, but their pleas for help fell on deaf ears or (they) were told to resolve the matter with their partners.”
“Some policemen in the township mock you saying: ‘How can you be raped by a man if you are not attracted to them?’ They ask you to explain how the rape felt. It is humiliating,” said Thando Sibiya, a lesbian from Soweto.
Humiliated, terrified, and ultimately hopeless.
This is the emotional state of much of South Africa’s women – not just those who are gay, but all women. For their rapists do not discriminate on sexual preference, they simply do not discriminate at all.
Thando’s story was no rare occurrence, in fact crimes against women appear to have worsened in severity since she spoke out to the BBC two years ago.
In just March this year, South African police confirmed investigations into the rape of a 100-year-old great-great grandmother, and a 92-year-old grandmother subjected to a three-hour ordeal. We heard that a man was convicted of raping his 13-year-old daughter over a period of eight years, that a female paramedic was raped by three men in Roodepoort while attending to a toddler who had suffered burn wounds, and that there are six children, aged 10 to 16, on trial for the rape and murder of three other minors, aged 9, 10 and 11.
Even Jacob Zuma is a less than ideal role model, with his three wives and at least 21 children. Not to mention his own rape trial, in which he was cleared, in May 2006. He admitted sleeping with a family friend he knew to be HIV-positive, which does no end of harm to the other scourge that is the spread of HIV – another consequence of rape; a death sentence and social stigma.
Dean Peacock, co-director of the SGJN, said: “We hear men saying, ‘If Jacob Zuma can have many wives, I can have many girlfriends.’ The hyper-masculine rhetoric of the (Zulu) Zuma campaign is going to set back our work in challenging the old model of masculinity.”
Jewkes spoke of her 2009 research with 1,738 men in KwaZulu-Natal: “We have a very, very high prevalence of rape in South Africa. I think it is down to ideas about masculinity based on gender hierarchy and the sexual entitlement of men. It’s rooted in an African ideal of manhood.”
Of this study, one of the most staggering statistics is the ages of the rapists. It found nearly 10% of rapists aren’t even ten years old. Most, 46.5%, were in their teens: 15-19 years old; 18.6% were 20-24, 16.4% were 10-14, 6.9% were 25-29 and only 1.9% were 30 years or more.
With attackers so young, education must start early – in the home first of all, as reports of parental absence were significantly higher among men who reported rape. But what about in schools? For some, this is precisely where they are learning about rape; not in their daily classes, but because they are succumbing to their teacher’s illicit advances and experiencing rape first-hand.
It is little coincidence that the lowest paid earners are black women between 15-24 years old, and that this is the same age range most vulnerable to HIV exposure as a result of exploitative intergenerational sex with older men, including teachers, according to the Gauteng Aids Council.
The government must enforce an educational overhaul to ensure young South Africans are taught women’s constitutional and legal rights, and to make sure that their teachings precede previously rationalised traditional values. This should begin by removing all teachers accused of abuse. The young men must witness the wheels of justice moving successfully for themselves, before they will realise their role in abolishing gender injustice.
As Jewkes said, the problem “can be predominantly addressed through strategies of apprehension and prosecution of perpetrators… This must entail intervening on the key drivers of the problem which include ideas of masculinity, predicted on marked gender hierarchy and sexual entitlement of men. Efforts to change these require interventions on structural dimensions of men’s lives, notably education and opportunities for employment and advancement.”
This is what must be taught and practiced in schools. Once this is part of the agenda, they can return to their primary purpose: teaching. This should, too, go some way to altering the damning statistic that girls are more likely to be raped than learn to read.
Grassroots education creates new generational layers of socially and academically educated citizens, with more chance of changing the future of their country. But they must see changes happening around them, and have less reason to fear speaking out against injustice. This is what will will spark the transition into a more empowered South Africa – for both sexes.
Aside: this is an unabridged version of an article written for a Guardian.co.uk international journalism competition – so is out-of-date, news-wise.